-Explosive Charges Reveal 8‑Year Looting Network Inside NAFCO
– How a CEO Built a Multi‑Million‑Cedi Criminal Empire on the Backs of Schoolchildren
Front Desk Report
The prosecution of former NAFCO CEO Hanan Abdul‑Wahab Aludiba and his wife Faiza Seidu Wuni reveals what investigators describe as an eight‑year criminal enterprise embedded inside Ghana’s food security architecture. The case exposes a network of shell companies, compromised bank officers, and internal collaborators who allegedly helped siphon over GH₵160 million from an agency responsible for feeding millions of schoolchildren.
The scandal is not merely financial. It is a national security failure, a governance collapse, and a case study in how a state institution can be quietly weaponize for personal gains.
From the moment he assumed office in 2017, Hanan allegedly began monetising his position. His first act; a GH₵734,400 rent claim for a house that did not exist set the tone for what investigators describe as a “pattern of deception, forgery, and institutional capture.”
“Plot 2.51, Cayman… was not built until three years after he received the rent.” (Charge Sheet)
This early fraud was the opening move in a long game.
The most critical discovery is the SAWTINA Enterprise pipeline, run by NAFCO’s own Upper West Regional Manager, James Tieku‑Apawu.
- NAFCO transferred GH₵78,269,082.04 to SAWTINA.
- Tieku‑Apawu admitted only 20% represented real food supplies.
- The remaining GH₵50+ million allegedly flowed back to Hanan, his wife, and their companies.
This was not a procurement irregularity, it was a structured laundering system. A heist bon the public purse.
The Republic Bank Labone branch, where both NAFCO and Hanan held accounts, is now under scrutiny. The same relationship officer managed all accounts , a red flag for collusion.
Investigators found that Hanan and his wife created or activated multiple business entities only after he became CEO:
- ALUDIBA Enterprise —received GH₵5.49m
- ALQARNI Enterprise — received GH₵4.4m
- FA‑HAUSA Ventures — received GH₵13.2m in deposits
- Energy Partners Ltd — received GH₵251k
None were licensed NAFCO suppliers. None delivered legitimate goods or services. All were controlled by the couple.
The companies acted as receiving tanks for diverted state funds.
Unlike typical political corruption where funds vanish offshore, Hanan and Faiza allegedly recycled the stolen money into real estate and investment instruments.
Investigators traced:
- GH₵161,459,987.27 in investment products
- Properties in Accra, Tamale, and other prime zones
- Transfers from ALQARNI to The Aludiba Foundation
- Personal enrichment disguised as NGO activity
This was a wealth‑building strategy, not a smash‑and‑grab.
The most politically explosive element is the link between the alleged theft and the Free SHS school feeding programme.
The brief states bluntly:
“If he spent judiciously, school kids would be fed. If he did not, they starved.”
This transforms the case from financial crime to a moral indictment of leadership.
The scandal shows that:
- procurement controls were bypassed
- bank oversight was compromised
- internal checks were neutralised
- the CEO operated with near‑total autonomy
This is classic institutional capture, not mere corruption.
Though the charge sheet avoids political references, the implications are clear:
- NAFCO is central to the Free SHS programme
- Free SHS is central to national politics
- Any scandal affecting school feeding becomes a political liability
This case will reverberate through Parliament, Cabinet, and the 2028 political cycle.
EOCO’s coordinated arrests on 25 June 2025 across Accra, Tamale, and other locations suggest:
- high-level political clearance
- a desire to demonstrate anti-corruption resolve
- possible internal factional battles within the governing structure
The Republic Bank relationship officer is a critical witness. If he confirms knowledge of the scheme, the case widens dramatically.
Large-scale SOE corruption rarely occurs in isolation. Analysts expect additional actors to emerge during cross‑examination.
The NAFCO case is not simply about a corrupt CEO and his wife. It is a window into how a national food security institution was hollowed out from within, leaving schoolchildren hungry while a small circle accumulated wealth.
The Attorney‑General’s brief is only the beginning. The trial will determine whether this was:
- a lone criminal enterprise, or
- a symptom of deeper systemic rot within Ghana’s public financial management ecosystem.
Either way, the fallout will be long and politically costly.